(As noted below, this
pamphlet was written by the Amilcar Cabral/Paul Robeson Collective (M-L), from Raleigh, NC, and other
independent M-Ls from New York,
NY. The AC/PRC(ML) long ago
dissolved into the Freedom Road
Socialist Organization. The independent M-Ls in New York are now in the Marxist-Leninist
Organizer.
Besides the valuable
historical material, we think the section titled: "The possibility of a
Neo-Colonial Alternative" is
very relevant for the post-apartheid period in South Africa. )
The Revolution in South Africa:
An Analysis
A
Tribute to Soweto
Youth, 1976-1986
This pamphlet is
published by the Azanian Research Project, a temporary study group organized to
analyze the history and current
developments of the Black South African struggle for self-determination. The
Amilcar Cabral/Paul Robeson Collective (M-L) and other independent
Marxist-Leninists have formed this project. We anticipate updating this pamphlet
as events continue to unfold in the struggle for a liberated Azania.
The Azanian Research
Project would like to thank all those who, through their contributions,
comments and criticisms, helped make this pamphlet possible.
May, 1986
Table
of Contents
Introduction
History
of Colonization and Formation of the Settler State
South
Africa and the Communist International
The Revolutionary and
Mass Organizations
The
Revolutionary and Progressive Organizations and the Importance of a Communist
Party
Imperialist
Relations with South Africa
South
Africa's Relations with the Surrounding States
The Mass Movements and
Imperialism
Lessons for the U.S.
Introduction
The heroic upsurge of
the Azanian (South African) people against the racist South African regime has
been going on for well over a year and a half. We have witnessed mass
demonstrations, strikes, boycotts, etc. These have been subject to violent
repression by the regime, which has led to the deaths of some 1,500 people,
according to the regime's own count. But even these killings have led to new
mass demonstrations, as thousands have attended the funerals, to mourn the
casualties as well as to organize for further actions. This movement shows the
determination of the Azanian people to be masters in their own land, an
independent Black republic. The struggle will necessarily continue on to a
higher stage, a revolutionary people's war. For it is clear that the only way
the settler regime can be defeated is militarily.
We have seen the
hypocrisy of the U.S.
government's condemnation of apartheid in words, while it is one of the main
backers of the racist regime in deeds. The Reagan administration's policy of
"constructive engagement" opposes any form of sanctions against the
regime, while it praises every meaningless reform that the regime makes. The
liberals, on the other hand, would like to see a negotiated compromise between
"responsible" Black leaders and more flexible elements among the
settlers, a compromise that would lead to some form of "power
sharing." Given the strength of the current upsurge, even the Reagan
administration is considering this possibility. Both tactics are designed to
keep South Africa friendly
to the U.S., and
particularly to allow the U.S.
corporations to continue to enjoy super-profits from the exploitation of the
cheap labor and natural resources of the Azanian people.
We in the U.S. need to deepen our understanding of the
situation in South Africa.
We must understand the origins, history and tasks of the struggle of the
Azanian people, and the organizations leading this struggle. We must
particularly understand the ties between the South African regime and the
imperialist (monopoly capitalist) countries, especially U.S.
imperialism. This is necessary to be able to give genuine political and
material support to the Azanian liberation movement. The present U.S. movement to support the people's struggle
in South Africa
has been a broad one, including workers, students, artists, sports figures and
others. It has been protracted, has often involved large numbers of people, and
in certain cases, especially among students and their supporters, it has been
militant. However, its fundamental weakness is that it is led by liberals and
reformists, who want to confine its aims and outlook to what is acceptable to
the liberal bourgeoisie. Revolutionaries in the U.S.,
as proletarian internationalists, must win over the masses to giving support to
the revolutionary movement in Azania.
We must also encourage working class participation and leadership of the
support movement here, as well as rallying other forces. We should learn from
the experience, both positive and negative, of the work of the African
Liberation Support Committee during the early 1970s, in which revolutionaries
took the lead, mobilizing people for the first mass African Liberation Day
demonstration in 1972.
The revolutionary
movement in the U.S.,
particularly the Afro-American liberation movement, can learn many lessons from
the Azanian revolutionary movement, and vice-versa. The Afro-American movement
can learn what the Azanian people well know, that the struggle against
oppression is a revolutionary one. And the Azanian movement can see that
getting rid of the apartheid legal system is just the beginning. For we in the U.S. have
learned that overturning the Jim Crow laws in the South, which in many respects
were similar to the apartheid laws, was not sufficient to end national
oppression. These are some of the questions we would like to take up in this
pamphlet.
The information and
views expressed in this pamphlet are by no means the final word on any of these
questions. We realize that it may not represent a full picture of the South
African revolution. As our research continues and more information becomes available,
we will strengthen or revise our analysis.
As we go to press, the
struggle in Azania intensifies. The masses
have just conducted a general strike for May Day, in which half a million
workers demonstrated; and they are preparing to commemorate the fallen martyrs
of the 1976 Soweto
rebellion. In New York City, thousands are
expected to march and rally in Central Park in
commemoration of this rebellion. In Greensboro,
North Carolina, as well, Azanian
and Namibian students, along with community people and workers, will hold a
small commemoration. This effort on our part is a tribute to the youth of Soweto.
May Day demonstrations brought out 1
1/2 million people.
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History of Colonization
and Formation of the Settler State
The history of South Africa
and its peoples, like that of all peoples, does not begin or end with contacts
with other nations, states and peoples. More precisely, the tendency to begin
the history of African peoples at the point of contact with Europeans is both
ahistorical and racist.
The history of any
society is based on how its people fashion a living for themselves,
how they contend with the forces of nature and consequently how the relations
between people develop. These production relations give rise to the development
of classes within a given society, and the resulting struggle between them.
However, the internal developments of a particular society are not isolated
from other societies. In particular, the histories of the peoples of Africa,
Asia, Latin America and the Middle East have been profoundly shaped by the rise
of capitalism in Europe. For this led to the
European exploration and colonization in the 15th, 16th and 17th centuries, and
later, imperialist plunder of the colonial world it created. In fact, all of
the various struggles that rage today in the former colonies and semi-colonies
have their roots in this colonial legacy. This is certainly true in the case of
South Africa.
European exploration
began in earnest towards the end of the 15th century. At that time, merchants
had begun to accumulate large amounts of wealth, in the form of commercial
capital, through trade. To provide Europe with more and different products,
many of which were only available in Asia, and
eventually to expand their markets, new sailing routes had to be found. Large
trading companies in Spain, Portugal, Holland
and England financed
expeditions to the East (India,
China,
etc.), sometimes with the aid of the monarchy or royal families.
The route around the
southern tip of Africa on the journey to the "riches of the East"
brought Europeans in contact with Africa.
Initially, European interest in Africa was
related to natural ports in which they could rest and take on provisions. These
ports became trading posts, and later centers for slaving expeditions. With the
development of industrial capitalism and later of monopoly capitalism
(imperialism), the coastal centers became beachheads for the colonization of
the interior, with the resulting expropriation of the land, natural resources
and labor of the African peoples. In most of Africa, the colonists simply set
up administrative control, as in Nigeria
or Senegal, but in some
areas they also attracted settlers, as in Kenya
and Zimbabwe (Rhodesia).
Colonization was rarely
openly justified in economic terms. Instead, the colonizers said they were in Africa because of the "white man's burden",
that is, to bring Christianity to the "heathens", introduce
"civilization" and facilitate progress.
The southern tip of
Africa, in the area around the Cape, was
originally inhabited by two groups of people. They were the Khoikhoi (Hottentot
is the derisive name used by the Dutch) and the San (Bushmen), sometimes
collectively called the Khoisan people. They are said to have migrated from the
north 3,000 years ago. The Khoikhoi developed a society based on hunting and
the gathering of wild fruit and grains. The San were cattle raisers. Also in the area were various Black peoples from the
north known as the "bantu". This name comes from a number of
languages spoken throughout eastern and southern Africa.
These migrants from the north were made up of various tribal groups who reached
the south approximately 2,000 years ago. They developed an agricultural and
pastoral society and worked iron and other metals. They settled all over the
region and as far south as the eastern
Cape. They are the ancestors of the Sotho, Xhosa,
Zulu, Ndebele and Tswana, among
others.
There were peaceful
relations between the Khoisan and the iron-age Blacks, with many intermarriages
recorded. They engaged in trade with one another as well. The history reveals
no major antagonisms that were reflected in military actions.