(As noted below, this pamphlet was written by the Amilcar Cabral/Paul Robeson Collective (M-L), from Raleigh, NC, and other independent M-Ls from New York, NY. The AC/PRC(ML) long ago dissolved into the Freedom Road Socialist Organization. The independent M-Ls in New York are now in the Marxist-Leninist Organizer.

Besides the valuable historical material, we think the section titled: "The possibility of a Neo-Colonial Alternative" is very relevant for the post-apartheid period in South Africa. )

The Revolution in South Africa:
An Analysis

A Tribute to Soweto Youth, 1976-1986

This pamphlet is published by the Azanian Research Project, a temporary study group organized to analyze the history and current developments of the Black South African struggle for self-determination. The Amilcar Cabral/Paul Robeson Collective (M-L) and other independent Marxist-Leninists have formed this project. We anticipate updating this pamphlet as events continue to unfold in the struggle for a liberated Azania.

The Azanian Research Project would like to thank all those who, through their contributions, comments and criticisms, helped make this pamphlet possible.

May, 1986

 

Table of Contents

Introduction

History of Colonization and Formation of the Settler State

South Africa and the Communist International

The Revolutionary and Mass Organizations

The Revolutionary and Progressive Organizations and the Importance of a Communist Party

Imperialist Relations with South Africa

South Africa's Relations with the Surrounding States

The Mass Movements and Imperialism

Lessons for the U.S.

 

Introduction

The heroic upsurge of the Azanian (South African) people against the racist South African regime has been going on for well over a year and a half. We have witnessed mass demonstrations, strikes, boycotts, etc. These have been subject to violent repression by the regime, which has led to the deaths of some 1,500 people, according to the regime's own count. But even these killings have led to new mass demonstrations, as thousands have attended the funerals, to mourn the casualties as well as to organize for further actions. This movement shows the determination of the Azanian people to be masters in their own land, an independent Black republic. The struggle will necessarily continue on to a higher stage, a revolutionary people's war. For it is clear that the only way the settler regime can be defeated is militarily.

We have seen the hypocrisy of the U.S. government's condemnation of apartheid in words, while it is one of the main backers of the racist regime in deeds. The Reagan administration's policy of "constructive engagement" opposes any form of sanctions against the regime, while it praises every meaningless reform that the regime makes. The liberals, on the other hand, would like to see a negotiated compromise between "responsible" Black leaders and more flexible elements among the settlers, a compromise that would lead to some form of "power sharing." Given the strength of the current upsurge, even the Reagan administration is considering this possibility. Both tactics are designed to keep South Africa friendly to the U.S., and particularly to allow the U.S. corporations to continue to enjoy super-profits from the exploitation of the cheap labor and natural resources of the Azanian people.

We in the U.S. need to deepen our understanding of the situation in South Africa. We must understand the origins, history and tasks of the struggle of the Azanian people, and the organizations leading this struggle. We must particularly understand the ties between the South African regime and the imperialist (monopoly capitalist) countries, especially U.S. imperialism. This is necessary to be able to give genuine political and material support to the Azanian liberation movement. The present U.S. movement to support the people's struggle in South Africa has been a broad one, including workers, students, artists, sports figures and others. It has been protracted, has often involved large numbers of people, and in certain cases, especially among students and their supporters, it has been militant. However, its fundamental weakness is that it is led by liberals and reformists, who want to confine its aims and outlook to what is acceptable to the liberal bourgeoisie. Revolutionaries in the U.S., as proletarian internationalists, must win over the masses to giving support to the revolutionary movement in Azania. We must also encourage working class participation and leadership of the support movement here, as well as rallying other forces. We should learn from the experience, both positive and negative, of the work of the African Liberation Support Committee during the early 1970s, in which revolutionaries took the lead, mobilizing people for the first mass African Liberation Day demonstration in 1972.

The revolutionary movement in the U.S., particularly the Afro-American liberation movement, can learn many lessons from the Azanian revolutionary movement, and vice-versa. The Afro-American movement can learn what the Azanian people well know, that the struggle against oppression is a revolutionary one. And the Azanian movement can see that getting rid of the apartheid legal system is just the beginning. For we in the U.S. have learned that overturning the Jim Crow laws in the South, which in many respects were similar to the apartheid laws, was not sufficient to end national oppression. These are some of the questions we would like to take up in this pamphlet.

The information and views expressed in this pamphlet are by no means the final word on any of these questions. We realize that it may not represent a full picture of the South African revolution. As our research continues and more information becomes available, we will strengthen or revise our analysis.

As we go to press, the struggle in Azania intensifies. The masses have just conducted a general strike for May Day, in which half a million workers demonstrated; and they are preparing to commemorate the fallen martyrs of the 1976 Soweto rebellion. In New York City, thousands are expected to march and rally in Central Park in commemoration of this rebellion. In Greensboro, North Carolina, as well, Azanian and Namibian students, along with community people and workers, will hold a small commemoration. This effort on our part is a tribute to the youth of Soweto.

May Day demonstrations brought out 1 1/2 million people.

 

History of Colonization and Formation of the Settler State

The history of South Africa and its peoples, like that of all peoples, does not begin or end with contacts with other nations, states and peoples. More precisely, the tendency to begin the history of African peoples at the point of contact with Europeans is both ahistorical and racist.

The history of any society is based on how its people fashion a living for themselves, how they contend with the forces of nature and consequently how the relations between people develop. These production relations give rise to the development of classes within a given society, and the resulting struggle between them. However, the internal developments of a particular society are not isolated from other societies. In particular, the histories of the peoples of Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Middle East have been profoundly shaped by the rise of capitalism in Europe. For this led to the European exploration and colonization in the 15th, 16th and 17th centuries, and later, imperialist plunder of the colonial world it created. In fact, all of the various struggles that rage today in the former colonies and semi-colonies have their roots in this colonial legacy. This is certainly true in the case of South Africa.

European exploration began in earnest towards the end of the 15th century. At that time, merchants had begun to accumulate large amounts of wealth, in the form of commercial capital, through trade. To provide Europe with more and different products, many of which were only available in Asia, and eventually to expand their markets, new sailing routes had to be found. Large trading companies in Spain, Portugal, Holland and England financed expeditions to the East (India, China, etc.), sometimes with the aid of the monarchy or royal families.

The route around the southern tip of Africa on the journey to the "riches of the East" brought Europeans in contact with Africa. Initially, European interest in Africa was related to natural ports in which they could rest and take on provisions. These ports became trading posts, and later centers for slaving expeditions. With the development of industrial capitalism and later of monopoly capitalism (imperialism), the coastal centers became beachheads for the colonization of the interior, with the resulting expropriation of the land, natural resources and labor of the African peoples. In most of Africa, the colonists simply set up administrative control, as in Nigeria or Senegal, but in some areas they also attracted settlers, as in Kenya and Zimbabwe (Rhodesia).

Colonization was rarely openly justified in economic terms. Instead, the colonizers said they were in Africa because of the "white man's burden", that is, to bring Christianity to the "heathens", introduce "civilization" and facilitate progress.

The southern tip of Africa, in the area around the Cape, was originally inhabited by two groups of people. They were the Khoikhoi (Hottentot is the derisive name used by the Dutch) and the San (Bushmen), sometimes collectively called the Khoisan people. They are said to have migrated from the north 3,000 years ago. The Khoikhoi developed a society based on hunting and the gathering of wild fruit and grains. The San were cattle raisers. Also in the area were various Black peoples from the north known as the "bantu". This name comes from a number of languages spoken throughout eastern and southern Africa. These migrants from the north were made up of various tribal groups who reached the south approximately 2,000 years ago. They developed an agricultural and pastoral society and worked iron and other metals. They settled all over the region and as far south as the eastern Cape. They are the ancestors of the Sotho, Xhosa, Zulu, Ndebele and Tswana, among others.

There were peaceful relations between the Khoisan and the iron-age Blacks, with many intermarriages recorded. They engaged in trade with one another as well. The history reveals no major antagonisms that were reflected in military actions.